door Loren Goldner Stellingen 1. Het regime dat in 1949 door de Chinese Communistische Partij in 1949 werd ingesteld, was geen ‘staatskapitalisme’, en nog minder een ‘arbeidersstaat. Het was, net als de Sovjet-Unie, en na 1945 haar Oost-Europese satellieten, een ‘overgang naar het kapitalisme’, een ‘burgerlijke revolutie met rode vlaggen’, een voorbereiding op volledige toetreding […]
Our task must be to articulate the full implications of that positive power which lies beyond the disorientation of today. We must show where that potential surfaces in micro-ways in the struggles of the present.
The bureaucratic remnants of the radical democratic unions of the early 1990’s are today reviled corporative organizations of that working-class elite, and as many struggles take place between regular and casualized workers as against capital itself.
Over the last several years, a revolving network of militants in Paris, France, have developed a strategy and tactics for winning strikes by marginal, low-paid, outsourced and immigrant workers against international chains, in situations where the strikers are often ignored by unions to which they nominally belong, or are actually obstructed by them.
Joao Bernardo has to be one of the most prolific, and prodigious, radical theoreticians of the past 30 years, yet, because he writes in his native Portuguese and because very little of his work has been translated into English, he remains largely unknown in the world of Anglophone Marxism.
A fundamental dynamic in American history involves the triad of race, imperial expansion, and class.
Joao Bernardo has to be one of the most prolific, and prodigious, radical theoreticians of the past 30 years, yet, because he writes in his native Portuguese and because very little of his work has been translated into English, he remains largely unknown in the world of Anglophone Marxism.
The following is a translation of Chapter One of Alain Tizon and François Longchampt’s Votre Révolution nest pas la mienne.
Our experience over the past three decades in the U.S. has been conditioned and distorted by de-industrialization and the supposed triumph of the “post-industrial” “New Paradigm” economy associated with the computer, the Internet, e-commerce and so forth.
Although these struggles have specific regional characteristics, they actually fit a national and, above all, international pattern.
Zukin may have written the first book connecting post-modernism to de-industrialization and economic austerity.
A kind of “thought experiment”, attempting to trace the career and impact of the “man of negation.”
In the U.S., in contrast to all other major capitalist countries, capitalism made the transition to the intensive phase of accumulation without requiring the participation of a working-class political party in the state.
